ملف الطائفي نوري المالكي

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«ويكيليكس» يكشف تفاصيل «الحرب القذرة» بين واشنطن وطهران ودور المالكي في إدارة فرق القتل والتعذيب
أضيف في :23 - 10 - 2010

ادى نشر نحو 400 الف وثيقة اميركية سرية عن سنوات الحرب في العراق، ولم ينفها اي طرف، الى كشف بعض اسرار ما جرى على مدى خمس سنوات من تعذيب ومؤامرات وقتل ودمار وانتهاك حقوق الانسان العراقي وتدخل ايراني عسكري عبر ميليشيات.

وتحدثت وثائق عن بعض تفاصيل «الحرب الخفية» بين الولايات المتحدة وإيران وكيفية لجوء طهران الى تسليح «كتائب الموت» وعن تورط رئيس الوزراء العراقي المنتهية ولايته نوري المالكي في ادارة فرق القتل والتعذيب وتغاضيه عن ادانة ما كانت تقوم به القوات الاميركية. وقال جوليان اسانج، مؤسس موقع «ويكيليكس» الذي نشر الوثائق، «انها قدمت مادة تكفي لتقديم 40 دعوى قضائية عن جرائم قتل غير مشروع وانتهاك لحقوق الانسان في العراق».

وأكدت وثيقة ان الإيرانيين خططوا لضرب المنطقة الخضراء في بغداد، التي تضم المباني الحكومية العراقية الرئيسية والسفارات الغربية، بواسطة صواريخ وسيارات مدرعة ملغمة بأسلحة كيماوية، واوردت بعض الوثائق تفاصيل تورط رئيس الوزراء العراقي المنتهية ولايته نوري المالكي في ادارة فرق القتل والتعذيب.

وفيما طالبت «القائمة العراقية» بعرض ما جاء في هذه الوثائق امام المحكمة الجنائية الدولية، سعى مكتب المالكي الى نسبة هذه الافعال الى الاميركيين.

وفي حين دانت وزيرة الخارجية الاميركية هيلاري كلينتون باوضح العبارات تسريب الوثائق التي لم تنف مضمونها، دعا المقرر الخاص للامم المتحدة لشؤون التعذيب مانفريد نواك الرئيس باراك اوباما الى اجراء تحقيق حول صحة حالات التعذيب. وقال نواك في تصريح الى ااذاعة «بي بي سي-4» ان «من واجب ادارة اوباما عندما تصدر اتهامات خطيرة بحق مسؤول اميركي حول حالات تعذيب، ان تحقق وان تستخلص العبر... لا بد من احالة هذا الشخص على القضاء». لكنه لاحظ ان مثل هذا التحقيق لا يمكن الا ان يكون اميركيا. وقال «ان ملاحقات من قبل المحكمة الجنائية الدولية غير ممكنة لان الولايات المتحدة لا تعترف بهذه المحكمة».

وجاءت ردود الفعل على الوثائق مختلفة لكنها لم تصل بعد الى حد المطالبة بتشكيل محكمة دولية للنظر بما جرى ومحاسبة المسؤولين عن «الحرب القذرة» كما قال اسانج.

وتباينت ردود افعال الأطراف السياسية في العراق على الوثائق وأعلنت «القائمة العراقية» بزعامة اياد علاوي عزمها رفع دعوى قضائية في المحكمة الجنائية الدولية «لمحاسبة المتورطين بسفك دماء الشعب العراقي».

واعتبر عضو «العراقية» احمد العلواني ان ما ورد في الوثائق «ليس امراً جديداً فقد تحدثت عنه قائمتنا قبل سنوات وأن اعداد ضحايا الجيش الأميركي والسلطات العراقية اكبر بكثير من الأعداد التي ذكرها تقرير موقع ويكيليكس».

واتهم بيان عن مكتب المالكي جهات اعلامية بقيادة «ضجة» بسبب الوثائق ضد جهات وقيادات وطنية، خصوصا رئيس الوزراء لاهداف سياسية، «تثير في اسلوبها وتوقيتها اكثر من علامة استفهام».

واكد البيان ضرورة «اخذ الوثائق بنظر الاعتبار بما يحقق العدالة للمواطنين العراقيين». وقال ان «بعض وسائل الاعلام نشرت ما وصفته بوثائق سرية للجيش الاميركي فيما يتعلق بالعراق، وعلى رغم الطبيعة الانتقائية التي اتبعتها هذه الوسائل في نشرها للوثائق المذكورة، فاننا نرى من الضروري التأكيد على عدد من النقاط بمقدار ما اتيح لنا الاطلاع عليه».

واضاف ان «اهم هذه النقاط التي يجب التأكيد عليها ويتحدث بعضها عن تصرفات الجيش الاميركي وشركات الحماية التابعة للجانب الاميركي في العراق، التي سبق وان اتخذت الحكومة قراراً بمنعها من العمل في العراق نتيجة تجاوزاتها واستخدامها المفرط للقوة بل واعتدائها على بعض الابرياء العراقيين دون مبرر».

وزاد «لذا فاننا نؤكد مرة اخرى على ضرورة اخذ هذه الوثائق بنظر الاعتبار بما يحقق العدالة لمواطنينا الذين ربما ذهبوا ضحية جموح واعتداء من هذه الجهة او تلك ممن اثيرت قضاياهم على مستوى القضاء او حتى الذين لم يتقدموا الى القضاء في حينها».

واضاف البيان «على رغم الحشد الذي قامت به هذه الوسائل بالتواطؤ مع الموقع الذي سربها اليها قبل موعد نشرها على صفحته، فانها لم تستطع ان تقدم دليلا واحدا على سلوك غير وطني قامت به الحكومة العراقية او رئيسها الذي اثبت عبر اربع سنوات صعبة قادها بحزم وارادة صلبة دون ان يهادن طرفا او اخر على حساب مصلحة العراق ووحدته.

وفي مؤتمر صحافي عقده في لندن اكد مؤسس «ويكيليكس» انه يريد اظهار «حقيقة» الحرب في العراق من خلال نشر الوثائق التي تكشف حالات التعذيب المرتكبة من قبل العراقيين والتي غطى عليها الجيش الاميركي. وقال: «في اوقات الحرب يبدأ الهجوم على الحقيقة قبل بدء الحرب بكثير ويستمر بعدها بكثير».

روابط ذات صلة :


وثائق ويكيليكس تستفز المالكي

http://www.dd-sunnah.net/news/view/action/view/id/3759/

فضيحة الإرهابي الرافضي نوري المالكي

http://www.dd-sunnah.net/records/vie.../view/id/2564/

قناة المسار الفضائية تتورط في فضح تعامل المالكي مع المخابرات الإيرانية

http://www.dd-sunnah.net/news/view/action/view/id/3677/

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لواء المثنى في الجيش العراقي(الشيعي) يسبون اهل السنة

http://youtu.be/Ir9LX_aAZj4

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جيش العراق الطائفي وشاح يا حسين يرتديه احد قادة الجيش العراق الشيعة

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Maliki Manipulating Iraqi Elections

Posted: 21/04/2014 14:42

The events of recent weeks have once again proved that through grasping all the levers of State power, the Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri Al-Maliki is trying to influence and change the outcome of the election in his own favour.

The election is being held while he is the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces and all military and security forces are under his personal command without any legal check. For more than four years he has directly controlled the ministries of Interior, Defence, Security and Communications, in total breach of the Erbil Agreement; he has filled all key posts with his own men, and through influencing the judiciary has trampled on its independence and brought Iraqi judges under direct political control. In a similarly contemptuous and illegal move he has repeatedly refused requests to appear before the elected parliament and provide explanations for his authoritarian behaviour.

Last year, the Iraqi parliament adopted a resolution whereby none of the three key posts of prime minister, president and speaker of parliament, could be occupied by any one person for more than two consecutive 4-year terms. However, through influencing the judicial system, he declared this law unconstitutional, despite the fact that the constitution does not bestow such authority on the judicial system.

Maliki has also sought to influence the Independent Electoral Commission, rendering it submissive to his orders. In addition, there are many reports from inside Iraq that he has corruptly allocated hundreds of millions of dollars to buy votes. There are also allegations that over a million military, security and police force personnel have been issued with two polling cards, which will enable them to cast two votes each on 30th April....both for Maliki!

The election is being held while there are tens of thousands of political prisoners throughout Iraq, including many women, held in appalling conditions and accused of being terrorists; the number of executions in Iraq is second only to Iran. In addition to the general oppression throughout the country, the Sunnis, as one of the principal sections of the Iraqi population, are facing a genocidal onslaught; particularly in Sunni dominated cities like Fallujah and Ramadi, at the hands of the government. Moreover, the Sunnis, who are anti-Maliki, are suffering systematic discrimination, including the fact that the number of seats allocated to the Sunni provinces is far less than their population merits.

Meanwhile, the Iranian regime is working full force to get Maliki elected for a third time. Qasem Soleimani, the Commander of the terrorist Qods (Jerusalem) Force and one of the most powerful figures after Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, is constantly visiting Iraq for this purpose. He is trying to implement this policy through fraud and getting votes for Maliki by using his Iraqi agents and by placing pressure on other political parties to agree to Maliki's 3rd term. This is while all political parties in Iraq -- Shia, Sunni or Kurd -- oppose a third term.

What is unacceptable in this situation is the silence of the United States, the United Nations and the European Union. It is intolerable that they say nothing in the face of such tyranny and electoral manipulation. The only possibility for a free and fair election is for the United Nations to supervise the entire process and ensure that Maliki and his cohorts are prevented from cheating.

http://www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/stru...b_5184886.html

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The Washington Post
Monkey Cage
How can the U.S. help Maliki when Maliki’s the problem?
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BY MARC LYNCH June 12 at 11:22 AM

Fighters from the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) stand guard at a checkpoint in the northern Iraqi city of Mosul on June 11. (Reuters)
The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria’s (ISIS) genuinely stunning capture of Mosul, and advances across Iraq, look like a real turning point in regional politics. Even if the territorial gains by ISIS are reversed, its offensive has already rapidly reframed analytical debates over the nature and fortunes of al-Qaeda and the jihadist movement, the ability to contain spillover from Syria, possible areas of U.S.-Iranian cooperation and the viability of President Obama’s light-footprint Middle East strategy.

The most wide-ranging verdicts are clearly premature. It’s too soon to declare the rapid end to the state of Iraq and the Sykes-Picot borders, with ISIS carving out a Sunni Islamic state and leaving Kurdistan to the Kurds and the Shiite areas to Iran’s mercies (for those interested, political scientists F. Gregory Gause III and Ariel Ahram already had that debate on The Monkey Cage). Past experience suggests that ISIS could rapidly alienate its current allies and the populations welcoming it, as happened in Iraq in the mid-2000s, despite its efforts to avoid past mistakes.

The absence of U.S. troops because of the 2011 withdrawal is an extremely minor part of the story at best. The intense interaction between the Syrian and Iraqi insurgencies is certainly an important accelerant, but again is only part of the story. Nor is the U.S. reluctance to provide more arms to “moderate” Syrian rebels really the key to the growth of ISIS in Syria or in Iraq. It’s a bit hard to believe that the jihadists who have joined up with ISIS would have been deterred by the presence of U.S.-backed forces – “Well, we were going to wage jihad to establish an Islamic State in Syria and Iraq, but the U.S. is arming moderates so I guess we’ll stay home.” In reality, the shift to an externally fueled insurgency and the flow of money and weapons to a variety of armed groups is what created the conditions that allowed ISIS to thrive in the first place.

The more interesting questions are about Iraq itself. Why are these cities falling virtually without a fight? Why are so many Iraqi Sunnis seemingly pleased to welcome the takeover from the Iraqi government by a truly extremist group with which they have a long, violent history? Why are Iraqi Sunni political factions and armed groups, which previously fought against al-Qaeda in Iraq, now seemingly cooperating with ISIS? Why is the Iraqi military dissolving rather than fighting to hold its territory? How can the United States help the Iraqi government fight ISIS without simply enabling Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s authoritarianism and sectarianism?

The most important answers lie inside Iraqi politics. Maliki lost Sunni Iraq through his sectarian and authoritarian policies. His repeated refusal over long years to strike an urgently needed political accord with the Sunni minority, his construction of corrupt, ineffective and sectarian state institutions, and his heavy-handed military repression in those areas are the key factors in the long-developing disintegration of Iraq. In late 2012, protests had swelled across Sunni areas of Iraq, driven by genuine popular anger but backed by many of the political forces now reportedly cooperating with ISIS’s advance (essential background here). The vicious assault on the Huwija protest camp by Iraqi security forces, in the midst of political negotiations, galvanized hostility to the Iraqi state and paved the way for growing popular support for a returning insurgency. Maliki’s heavy-handed security response to the escalating insurgency across Anbar, including the bombardment of Fallujah, has predictably driven more and more Sunnis into their ranks. Maliki’s purges of the Sunni leadership discredited or removed Sunni leaders willing to play the inside game, and pushed some of them toward supporting insurgency. His exclusionary policies, attempts to monopolize power and rough security practices radicalized a Sunni community that might have been brought into the system following the civil war. Iraq’s political class as a whole has done little better.

U.S. officials, along with most Iraq analysts, have spent the last half-decade urging Maliki to seek a real political accord, but he had little interest in their advice. I’ve long argued that the only thing that would force Maliki to change his ways would be his perception that his survival depended on it. When U.S. troops were fighting his war and securing his rule, he consistently refused to make the political accommodations that his U.S. advisers pushed upon him. After U.S. troops left, he enjoyed sufficient political strength and military security to strike the kind of political deal that could have consolidated a legitimate Iraqi order. Instead, he moved to consolidate his personal power and punish Sunni political opponents. When he went to Washington seeking military and political support in October 2013 amidst an escalating insurgency and political tensions, he could have taken the opportunity to change course before it was too late.

Maliki might now, for the first time, feel real pressure, which could force real concessions. His first instinct, naturally, has been to try to use the crisis to expand his power by calling an emergency session of parliament to pass a truly objectionable emergency law, which would give the prime minister virtually untrammeled dictatorial powers. Iraq’s parliament might be able to thwart that particular power grab (it could not muster a quorum in today’s first attempt). But it’s clear that his political instincts remain unchanged.

Maliki wants U.S. military aid, from helicopters to airstrikes, to fight the ISIS advance. Many in Washington will want to offer assistance to save Iraq from complete collapse. But at the same time, U.S. policymakers understand from painful experience that such military aid will simply enable Maliki’s autocratic sectarianism and allow him to avoid making any serious concessions. Yes, the United States should try to use this moment of leverage to attach political conditions to any military aid. But such leverage is going to face an obvious problem: It will be virtually impossible to force any meaningful political moves in the midst of an urgent crisis, and any promises made now will quickly be forgotten once the crisis has passed.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/...is-and-maliki/

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Iraq - Genocide in Fallujah
Posted: 25/02/2014 09:39

The unfolding tragedy in the Iraqi city of Fallujah seems to have slipped off the international radar screen, as the focus of the global community drifts from Syria to Kiev and back again. The humanitarian situation in Fallujah is dire. The sectarian prime minister of Iraq, Nouri al-Maliki has surrounded the city with thousands of troops, effectively sealing it off. The Iraqi air force has mounted daily bomb attacks, cutting off electricity and water supplies and destroying several bridges in an effort to prevent food and water from reaching the besieged inhabitants. Last week, they bombed Fallujah General Hospital, killing nearly all of the doctors and nurses and many of the patients and forcing its closure. More than 300,000 people have been made homeless.

Ban Ki Moon and the United Nations Assistance Mission to Iraq (UNAMI) continue to plead with Maliki to provide humanitarian aid to the city and to enter into negotiations that can bring an end to violence in the predominantly Sunni, Al Anbar Province. The sharp response from the aggressively pro-Shia prime minister was there would be "no negotiation with terrorists." In a single sentence he has labeled all of the residents of Iraq's largest province as "terrorists" in order to justify his genocidal campaign.

During the Saddam Hussein dictatorship, the Sunnis in al Anbar fared well. Following the US invasion, it was Anbar where the Americans suffered most casualties and after Maliki came to power, he implemented a ruthless de-Baathification policy that saw tens of thousands of Sunnis in Anbar stripped of their jobs and income. Since the US military withdrawal, the Iraqi PM, egged on by his puppeteers in Tehran, has escalated the daily intimidation of the province, with assassinations, bombings, arbitrary arrests and atrocities that finally drove the Sunni population onto the streets in protest. For the past 18 months, hundreds of thousands of people in Fallujah, Ramadi and other Anbar cities have mounted large demonstrations, calling for an end to corruption and the abuse of power by Maliki.

Their protests provided Maliki with the perfect excuse for a bloodbath. Claiming that Fallujah and Ramadi had been infiltrated by Al Qaeda and terrorists from the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, Maliki mounted his bloody offensive on the civilian population of al Anbar. There is some sporadic evidence of one or two jihadists infiltrating the protests in Anbar, attracted by the chaotic situation, but they were quickly driven out by the local tribesmen, who want no truck with Al Qaeda. But Maliki's ploy worked well. He persuaded Washington that he was engaged in a war against terror and the US sprang into action, shipping over rockets, missiles, drones, jets, helicopter gunships and light weapons, which are now being used to annihilate the Sunni population of al Anbar. Innocent men, women and children are being massacred daily, while America counts the dollars from its lucrative sale of weaponry to oil rich Iraq. Futile protests from UNAMI and Ban Ki Moon and a deathly silence from the EU, do little to stop the murderous onslaught.

Last week, I organised a major conference in the European Parliament in Brussels, attended by Iraqi political and spiritual leaders, including the Grand Mufti of Iraq, leader of the Sunni religion. They all denounced the horrific genocidal war that is being allowed to rage in Anbar, fuelled by a steady supply of American arms. I read out a letter signed by 128 scholars, sheiks and tribal leaders from Al Anbar Province who called for help from the West. The European Parliament in Strasbourg will this week debate and vote on a resolution on Iraq. It is Europe's chance to make its voice heard; to condemn the atrocities being carried out by Maliki and to demand a stop to the flow of weapons from the US. The EU doesn't have an army, but it has massive economic power. Maliki must be told that unless he stops the bloodshed, all economic ties with Iraq will be cut.

This is a wakeup call for West, particularly the US who continues to back Iraq's government. The massacre of innocents in Fallujah has exposed the true colours of Nouri al Maliki, a corrupt and despotic tyrant whom many Iraqis now see as worse than Saddam. The sinister involvement of the fascist regime in Tehran, who seek to spread their brand of fundamentalist Islam across the Middle East, should set the alarm bells ringing.


Follow Struan Stevenson MEP on Twitter: www.twitter.com/struanstevenson